Central Secretariat SC/ST Forum
This blog is for sharing information about issues relating to reservation among the members of Central Secretariat SC/ST Employees Welfare Association (Regd.), founded by Shri Rohtas Bhankhar in 1998 . It also sheds some light on the history of reservation and its imperatives.
Friday, 5 January 2024
पेट है ख़ाली लोगों का
Sunday, 16 August 2020
Punjab Dalit topper’s real struggle will be at DU. Village roots vs Netflix culture

Ever wonder what happens to the Dalit toppers from the remotest villages of India? Do they pursue higher education, or do they become manual scavengers, or do they end up working as labourers in the fields of ‘upper caste’ landowners? As India celebrates its 74th Independence Day and our leaders use the occasion to make tall promises, these are questions worth asking.
If these questions bother you, then you must track the journey of 17-year-old Jaspreet Kaur from Punjab’s Mansa district. A Dalit with zero resources at her disposal, Jaspreet has topped this year’s Punjab School Education Board’s Class XII exams, securing 99.5 per cent in humanities.
After 20 days of hitting the headlines, the collective efforts of an organisation, a professor, a lawyer and a few others, have helped her see new opportunities. Yes, it takes a bunch of people to tell a Dalit girl about her own potential and what she could do with it in a world dominated by the ‘upper’ castes/class. But with almost no social or cultural capital and financial stability, her real struggle starts now. Punjab’s Dalit topper’s biggest aspiration was to become a primary school teacher.
Internet is her hope
When 29-year-old Ravi Verma, a practicing lawyer in Delhi High court, saw a news clip doing rounds on social media, he was moved. A Dalit topper only wants to become a primary teacher? Why not an IAS? Why not a judge or a journalist? These questions left Verma uncomfortable.
After trying to trace her for five days, Verma was able to connect with the reporter who had published Jaspreet’s story. Verma told him that he wanted to help Jaspreet enroll in Delhi University.
“When I told the reporter that Jaspreet could get admission in Delhi University’s prestigious institutions such as Miranda House or LSR, he was shocked. His own daughter is studying at Kirori Mal College, but he frowned upon the idea of a Dalit girl getting admission in DU,” says Verma.
After Jaspreet’s success story flashed in the media, New York-based literary organisation Raag came forward with a scholarship of Rs1 lakh. A central government employee, after seeing the news, helped Jaspreet apply for the post-matric scholarship scheme meant for scheduled castes. Later, Union minister Harsimrat Kaur Badal assured Jaspreet of help while congratulating her on a video call, which led to a Delhi University professor coming forward and offering counselling to the Dalit teenager.
“All this is unimaginable for me. I never knew the power of the internet,” says Jaspreet.
People from the neighbourhood also came forward to help her in their own little ways, offering monetary support in the form of small cash sums of Rs 1,100 and Rs 2,100. Jaspreet now has Rs 1.5 lakh in her account.
Anxieties, taunts and aspirations
Jaspreet had never heard of Miranda House in Delhi University. “I have never even been to Chandigarh,” the 17-year-old says jokingly.
Aware of her social standing and the rare feat she has achieved, an anxious Jaspreet says: “Some people in our village have started taunting us, saying that I must have got these marks by luck. This angers me a lot. They are doubting my capabilities. What if an upper caste girl/boy secured these marks? Would they have the same things to say about her/him?”
“If just a few people from my own society can shatter my confidence, I am not sure how rich people in Delhi will see my journey. I have seen in films, they indulge in ragging poor girls.”
But Jaspreet has the support of her Hindi Teacher, Gurdas Singh. Singh rubbishes the claims that she got these marks through sheer luck. “Not everyone can accept the fact that a poor Dalit girl has excelled in studies. I have taught her since Class I. She is the brightest among all,” says Singh.
Breaking the intellectual monopoly
Even if Jaspreet gets into Miranda House or Lady Shri Ram, she is likely to feel left out. Every time her college mates will mention cinema, Netflix, fashion, literature, and popular culture, Jaspreet will probably get rattled because the teenager from a small village in Punjab lacks the ‘cultural capital’ of the upper-class students. The English-speaking elite might look like aliens to her. That’s the burden of opportunity cost the likes of Jaspreet have to live with when they leave their small villages and venture into big cities in a bid to make a mark for themselves. Sadly, not many are able to make it through.
Till now, Jaspreet has experienced a certain kind of discrimination and made peace with it. While her father runs a barbershop, she and her mother work in the fields.
But now, things would be different. While on one hand, a world of opportunities wait for her in India’s capital, on the other, she will also be exposed to urban social discrimination. Because she has challenged the intellectual monopoly of the upper classes through her merit, she would be rejected at every step. Her success would be scrutinised. The first rejection has already come from her own village.
This is why Bahujans must form cultural and social groups to work as support systems for the Jaspreet Kaurs of the world. The likes of Jaspreet lack the cultural capital only because they did not have the means and not because of their inability. Now, in the times of a digital revolution, they can easily pick up the threads.
Jaspreet needs this support because she is the first champion of her ‘Kaur dynasty’. The first ‘rural elite’ of her family. The Republic of India has to see that she doesn’t end up being a headline.
Courtesy : The Print
Saturday, 15 August 2020
The scourge of untouchability continues
The scourge of untouchability continues
The Ooruttambalam centenary of Panchami is the celebration of a protest for equality, which is a rare event. The Indian nation with all the ideals enshrined in the Constitution should move towards celebrating every event that made us aware of our duty towards bringing humanity towards equality. Dalits today celebrate Mahad Satyagraha as ‘Water Day’.

Raja Sekhar Vundru
Raja Sekhar Vundru
IAS officer and author of Ambedkar, Gandhi and Patel: The Making of India’s Electoral System
https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/comment/the-scourge-of-untouchability-continues-70718
When the Government Lower Primary School of Ooruttambalam in Kerala opened for new admissions on June 2, 2017, there was a great celebration and pride across every face. In attendance was the Chief Minister of the state and celebrating crowds. The school was welcoming five-year-old Dalit girl Athira Sreejith to the same school, where her great-grand-aunt Panchami was denied admission on account of untouchability more than 100 years ago, in 1914. To deny entry of Dalits, the school was burnt down by the villagers then. The greatest agitation in the history for access to education for untouchables was led by Ayyankali, a Dalit social reformer known for his unprecedented agitational and fighting skills.
Riots ensued, with Dalits retaliating under Ayyankali. The first ever agricultural workers’ strike was initiated by Dalits under Ayyankali for ensuring admission of Dalit children into schools in 1914. The agitation demanded the opening of public roads to Dalits and an increase in agricultural wages. As the agriculture season approached, Dalits refused to work. The agitation went on for one year and large tracts were left fallow. The negotiations resulted in the admission of Dalit children to schools even though government had allowed admission from 1906. The bench on which Dalit girl Panchami sat and was burnt in 1914 is still preserved in a symbolic gesture in the Ooruttambalam school of Trivandrum district in Kerala.
BR Ambedkar, who went on to head the drafting committee of the Constituent Assembly, which abolished untouchability in 1950, led a similar agitation in 1927, this time for access to water, which was denied to Dalits due to the practice of untouchability. Similar to Ayyankali, he wanted to ensure access to a right that was duly legislated. Mahad town passed a resolution of access to water in the Chowdar water tank for all in 1926, but the society denied it. Ambedkar led the Mahad Satyagraha on March 20, 1927, and drank water as a symbolic gesture. Ambedkar and his followers were attacked by villagers.
Ambedkar also challenged the temple entry denial to Dalits through his temple entry agitations, to Parvati Temple, Pune (1929), Kali Temple, Khulna (1929), and Kalaram Temple, Nasik (1930). His efforts were foiled by orthodox Hindus. Eventually, he ended his challenge by declaring at Yeola on October 13, 1935, that he might have been born a Hindi, but will not die a Hindu, He took to Buddhism on October 14, 1956.
As the scourge of untouchability, a practice which, according to Ambedkar, originated in the fifth century AD, imposed upon oppressed millions was to be reformed by Mahatma Gandhi’s untouchability campaign; temple entry legislations and by Ambedkar’s agitational modes for water, education, jobs, civil rights and constitutional remedies. But certainly, Ambedkar and Gandhi have brought a parallel programme across the national movement, that abolition of untouchability is a part of the liberation of the country from British rule. The Constituent Assembly was equivocal in its abolition of untouchability under Article 17 and prescribed punishment for practising untouchability.
Indian polity, on its part, legislated and declared untouchability a crime in the Untouchability Offences Act, 1955, changed to the Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1976. The powerful part is that the onus of proof of practice of untouchability crime lies with the accused and not the victim. As modern forms of untouchability evolved to atrocious proportions, polity enacted The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 and further transformed it into a strict legislation in 2016. This Act enacted punishment for government officials neglecting their duties under the Act. Yet, the social transformation as we turned to 21st century left much to be desired.
As the societal oppression on Dalits on social, educational, economic and brutal exploitation and bonded slavery continued, the euphoria of the abolition of untouchability waned by the seventies. Assertive Dalit movements against the systemic oppression arose, based on the Ambedkarite ideology, such as the Bhim Sena Movement in Hyderabad and Karnataka; Dalit Panthers in Maharashtra and Gujarat; Ayyankali Pada in Kerala; Vidulai Chiruthaigal in Tamil Nadu and now Bhim Army in Uttar Pradesh.
The first of the reports that flagged the conditions of untouchability-related oppression and crime was brought out in 1998 in an internationally published document, Broken People: Caste Violence Against India’s ‘Untouchables’ by Smita Narula. A sensational study in 2006 revealed the dark underbelly of the practice of untouchability in rural India in Untouchability in Rural India (Ghanshyam Shah et al). These two reports dealt in detail patterns of abuse in rural areas; discrimination and exploitative labour; criminalisation of Dalit activists who fight for rights; attacks on Dalit women and forced unclean occupations.
In the 21st century, the Amit Thorat and Omkar Joshi study, The Continuing Practice of Untouchability in India: Patterns and Mitigating Influences, in 2015 revealed that 27 per cent of India still practises untouchability, with 30 per cent household in rural and 20 per cent in urban areas accepting the practice. The 33 per cent of poorer Indians by income practice untouchability while 23 per cent of the rich do. The report mentioned that 40-49 per cent of households in the Hindi belt in North India accepted the practice, while Southern India accounted for 17 per cent. While literates showed 30 per cent practice, higher education did not bring it down much (24 per cent).
The journey of India’s struggle against untouchability seems to be long-drawn. Ambedkarite remedies against discrimination on the basis of untouchability against the persons belonging to untouchable castes, now called Dalits, were: reservations in education, jobs and legislatures. The communities practising untouchability seek the abolition of remedies enunciated by Ambedkar rather than uprooting the scourge or its related and modern forms of discrimination and atrocities.
The Ooruttambalam centenary of Panchami is the celebration of a protest for equality, which is a rare event. The nation with all ideals enshrined in the Constitution should move towards celebrating every event that made us aware of our duty towards bringing humanity towards equality. Dalits today celebrate Mahad Satyagraha as ‘Water Day’ as it reminded everyone that water can no more be a part of inequality.
The forms and methods of modern-day untouchability need to be questioned and constitutional remedies enunciated need to be implemented with vigour rather than questioning the remedies designed to fight untouchability. The continuation of this practice in the 21st century will hamper the constitutional mandate of equality for all, and needs to be demolished once and for all, for which efforts in the Ambedkarite mode will continue.
Monday, 9 April 2018
ऐस.सी. ऐस. टी. अट्रोसिटी एक्ट और दलित उत्पीड़न
दलित संगठनों द्वारा 2 अप्रैल को बुलाए गए भारत बंद के दौरान और बाद में बीजेपी शासित राज्यों में दलितों के ऊपर हुए पुलिस और दबंग लोगों के अत्याचारों के सोशल मीडिया पर वायरल हो रहे वीडियोस से स्पष्ट हो जाता है कि सचमुच में ही इस देश में दलितों के अधिकारों की रक्षा के लिए ऐस.सी. ऐस. टी. अट्रोसिटी एक्ट जैसे कानून की आवश्यकता है।
वायरल वीडियोस में दबंगों और पुलिस को ना केवल दो-दो, चार-चार दलित लड़को के ग्रुपस को बेरहमी से पीटते हुए बल्कि उनके साथ साथ डॉ. भीमराव अंबेडकर को भद्दी भद्दी जातिसूचक गालियां देते सुना जा सकता है। लज्जाजनक वीडियोस में दबंगों और पुलिस को स्वयं तोड़फोड़ करते हुए भी दिखाया गया है। और यह सब केवल उन्हीं राज्यों में हुआ जहां पर बीजेपी की सत्ता है। उन राज्यों में जहां पर अन्य दलों की सरकारें हैं वहां से ऐसी किसी घटना का विवरण नहीं है । ज़ुल्म इस हद तक हुए और हो रहे हैं कि मजबूर हो कर कभी न बोलने वाले बीजेपी के दलित सांसदों को लिखित शिकायत द्वारा प्रधान मंत्री को सीधे हस्तक्षेप का आह्वान करना पड़ गया।
आखिर इसका कारण क्या है। और यह जातिगत घृणा केवल हिंदूवादी विचारधारा से प्रभावित राज्यों में ही क्यों। बहुत से लोगों का उत्तर होगा कि यह घृणा आरक्षण के कारण है। किंतु आरक्षण का प्रभाव तो पूरे देश में है। फिर भारतबंद का असर पंजाब जैसे राज्यों में संपूर्ण और शांतिपूर्ण कैसे रहा। वास्तविकता तो यह है कि दबंग लोग अपनी सदियों पुरानी रूढ़िवादी मानसिकता से नहीं बाहर आ पा रहे। आज भी वह निरक्षरता और अर्ध-साक्षरता के कारण पंडों और पोंगापंथियों के गुलाम हैं। आरक्षण तो पिछले कुछ दशकों से ही शुरु हुआ है। यह घृणा तो सदियों पुरानी है। पंडों के प्रभाव में सदियों से 'ढोल गवार शुद्र पशु नारी, यह सब ताड़न के अधिकारी' जैसे श्लोकों को रटते आये लोग इस घृणा को नहीं पालेंगे तो क्या करेंगे। पंजाब जैसे राज्य में जहाँ पंडों का प्रभुत्व पहले से ही ख़त्म है वहां ऐसी घृणा देखना मुश्किल है। पंडों और पोंगापंथियों के प्रभाव में यह घृणा तब तक चलती रहेगी जब तक अगड़ा हिन्दू समाज संपूर्ण साक्षरता एवं विकास के लक्ष्य को हासिल नहीं कर लेता।
पिछले 70 सालों में देश की सरकारों ने जनता की शिक्षा को, खास तौर पर अगड़े समाज की संपूर्ण शिक्षा को, प्राथमिकता ना दिए जाने के कारण समाज आज तक रूढ़ियों में फंसा है और व्यक्तियों को जाति के आधार पर प्रताड़ित किया जा रहा है। अभी कल ही प्रधानमंत्री ने अपनी पार्टी के सभी सांसदों को अपने अपने क्षेत्र में जाकर दलितों के साथ कुछ दिन बिताने का सुझाव दिया है। यह सुझाव वोट हित में तो कारगर हो सकता है किंतु देश हित में तभी कारगर होगा जब यह सब सांसद अपने अपने क्षेत्र में प्रभु वर्ग के लोगों के साथ बैठकर उन्हें कुछ सलाह दें जिससे कि वे रूढ़ियों से बाहर आ सकें। गरीब और प्रताड़ित लोगों को परामर्श देने से पहले अगड़े वर्ग के लोगों को शिक्षा और परामर्श की नितांत आवश्यकता है ।
लेकिन ऐसे हालात में जब देश के IIT जैसे संस्थानों में विद्यार्थीओं को वेदअध्ययन की प्रेरणा दी जा रही हो, भूवैज्ञानिकों को सरस्वती नदी की खोज में और पुरातत्वविदों को रामायण युग साक्ष्य खोजने में लगाया जा रहा हो, ऐसा कुछ भी होना संभव प्रतीत नहीं होता। जबकि हम सबको पता है कि वेदों के युग में कामगार लोगों को कुछ भी पढ़ने या सुनने की आज्ञा नहीं थी मगर फिर भी उन लोगों की उपलब्धियां विश्व प्रसिद्ध थी। अभी आज के ही हिंदुस्तान टाइम्स अखबार में प्रकाशित एक समाचार के अनुसार एक अध्ययन में पाया गया है कि इंजीनियरिंग के क्षेत्र में सीखने की क्षमता SC/ST विद्यार्थियों में औरों के मुकाबले अधिक होती है।
अंत में यही कहेंगे कि यदि दलित भारत बंद के आवाहन के लिए जिम्मेदार हैं तो हिंसा का तांडव करने में रूढ़िवादी सोच का योगदान भी कम नहीं है। जिस पर समय रहते काबू ना पाया गया तो देश कट्टरता का शिकार हो कर मध्य-पूर्व राष्ट्रों की राह पर चला जाएगा।
Sunday, 6 August 2017
दलित और आरक्षण
- यूनाइटेड किंगडम में समानता अधिनियम 2010 है I
- संयुक्त राज्य अमेरिका में सकारात्मक कार्रवाई हैI
- कनाडा में रोजगार इक्विटी (कनाडा) है जो कि आदिवासी और अल्पसंख्यकों को प्रभावित करती हैI
- चीन में जातीय अल्पसंख्यक और महिलाएं के लिए कोटा है I
- फिनलैंड में स्वीडिश स्पीकर के लिए कोटा है I
- जर्मनी में उनके जिमनैजियम प्रणाली में कोटा है I
- इसराइल सकारात्मक कार्रवाई है I
- जापान में बुराकुमिन को मदद करने की नीतियां हैं, जिन्हें जापान के बहिष्कार समूह माना जाता है।
- मैसेडोनिया अल्बेनियाई लोगों के लिए कोटा है I
- मलेशिया में मलेशियाई नई आर्थिक नीति है I
- न्यूज़ीलैंड में मॉरीस और पॉलिनेशियन के लिए सकारात्मक कार्रवाई है I
- नॉर्वे को पीसीएल के बोर्डों के 40% महिलाओं की आवश्यकता है।
- रोमा के लिए रोमा में कोटा है ।
- दक्षिण अफ्रीका में रोजगार इक्विटी है।दक्षिण कोरिया ने चीनी और उत्तरी कोरिया के लिए सकारात्मक कार्रवाई की है।
- श्रीलंका में ईसाई और तमिलों के लिए नियम हैं।
- स्वीडन में सामान्य सकारात्मक कार्रवाई है।
- ब्राज़ील में वेस्टिबुलर है।